{"id":1454,"date":"2016-03-15T16:10:24","date_gmt":"2016-03-15T16:10:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mmuperu.co.uk\/bjcj\/?p=1454"},"modified":"2022-12-19T11:26:37","modified_gmt":"2022-12-19T11:26:37","slug":"innovation-and-privatisation-in-the-probation-service-in-england-and-wales","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mmuperu.co.uk\/bjcj\/articles\/innovation-and-privatisation-in-the-probation-service-in-england-and-wales\/","title":{"rendered":"Innovation and Privatisation in the Probation Service in England and Wales"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wpb-content-wrapper\"><p>[vc_row row_height_percent=&#8221;0&#8243; override_padding=&#8221;yes&#8221; h_padding=&#8221;2&#8243; top_padding=&#8221;3&#8243; bottom_padding=&#8221;2&#8243; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; equal_height=&#8221;yes&#8221; gutter_size=&#8221;3&#8243; column_width_use_pixel=&#8221;yes&#8221; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; column_width_pixel=&#8221;1000&#8243;][vc_column column_width_percent=&#8221;100&#8243; position_horizontal=&#8221;left&#8221; gutter_size=&#8221;2&#8243; override_padding=&#8221;yes&#8221; column_padding=&#8221;0&#8243; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; shift_x=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y_down=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; medium_width=&#8221;0&#8243; align_mobile=&#8221;align_left_mobile&#8221; mobile_width=&#8221;0&#8243; width=&#8221;2\/3&#8243;][vc_custom_heading text_font=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; text_size=&#8221;h3&#8243; text_weight=&#8221;500&#8243; text_color=&#8221;color-210407&#8243;]Articles[\/vc_custom_heading][vc_separator sep_color=&#8221;color-210407&#8243; el_height=&#8221;1px&#8221;][vc_custom_heading auto_text=&#8221;yes&#8221; text_font=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; text_size=&#8221;h1&#8243; text_weight=&#8221;500&#8243; text_color=&#8221;accent&#8221;]This is a custom heading element.[\/vc_custom_heading][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<table style=\"border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%;height: 110px\">\n<tbody>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\"><span class=\"font-810834\">Published<\/span><\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\">15\/03\/2016<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">Type<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\">Article<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">Author(s)<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\">Wendy Fitzgibbon<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%\">Corresponding Authors<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%\">Wendy Fitzgibbon, Professor of Criminology, London Metropolitan University<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">DOA<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\"><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">DOI<\/td>\n<td><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner column_width_percent=&#8221;100&#8243; gutter_size=&#8221;3&#8243; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; shift_x=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y_down=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; medium_width=&#8221;0&#8243; align_mobile=&#8221;align_center_mobile&#8221; mobile_width=&#8221;0&#8243; width=&#8221;1\/1&#8243;][uncode_share layout=&#8221;multiple&#8221; bigger=&#8221;yes&#8221; separator=&#8221;yes&#8221;][\/vc_column_inner][\/vc_row_inner][vc_column_text]Is it possible that innovation can arise out of the privatisation of the probation service in England and Wales? A frequent justification for the creation of the Community Rehabilitation Companies to supervise the majority of probation clients is that it can.<\/p>\n<p>However, there is a paradox here that must be addressed. It is almost a truism that the\u00a0long term development of probation in England and Wales since the 1990s has involved a shift away from rehabilitation and desistance through community re-integration towards\u00a0risk management through surveillance and discipline administered by an increasingly deskilled\u00a0workforce (Fitzgibbon, 2007; 2011).<\/p>\n<p>This shift has taken place irrespective of privatisation (Fitzgibbon, 2013; Fitzgibbon &amp; Lea,\u00a02014). A graphic illustration of this is the fact that the recent introduction of biometric\u00a0reporting now being deployed by Sodexo this year to effect a 30 per cent cut in probation\u00a0staff in the CRCs under its control, (Travis, 2015) was in fact piloted by London Probation\u00a0back in 2012. The pilot project was justified at the time as a bureaucracy reduction\u00a0exercise which would liberate practitioners from excessive time spent on administration\u00a0(Doward, 2012). Many feared it would be used to justify staffing cuts and redundancies\u00a0 and this appears to have now been true.<\/p>\n<p>Nevertheless probation practitioners have opposed privatisation precisely on the grounds\u00a0that it accentuates such tendencies, of deskilling, insecurity and an erosion of working\u00a0conditions and continues the increasing precariatisation of the practitioner labour force\u00a0(Standing, 2011). Practitioners now talk about the &#8216;end of the probation ideal&#8217; and are\u00a0demoralised and concerned about their futures (Deering &amp; Feilzer, 2015).<\/p>\n<p>What this ideal refers to is obviously not the recent history of national standards and the\u00a0role of the Ministry of Justice in deskilling but rather the semi-autonomous social work\u00a0tradition which still survives in the probation service but which will, practitioners fear, be\u00a0effectively killed off by privatisation and the new CRCs.<\/p>\n<p>Thus the issue is not in fact privatisation per se as a form of organisational change but the\u00a0final destruction of the autonomous probation culture. As Whitehead and Crawshaw\u00a0noted (2013) Probation:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u00a0&#8216;\u2026has a textured and semi-autonomous cultural history &#8230; [with] &#8230; its own\u00a0internal dynamics, professional routines, primary tasks and ethical-cultural\u00a0configurations &#8230; [which exhibited the ability] &#8230; to challenge, resist and\u00a0modify the prevailing hegemonic order.&#8217; (Whitehead &amp; Crawshaw, 2013:10)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>That culture has been crucial in sustaining the importance of traditional rehabilitation\u00a0methods and it is this culture that has been placed under threat as much from the state as\u00a0from the private sector (Fitzgibbon &amp; Lea, 2014).<\/p>\n<p>In this context the role of academic research in the probation area is complex and\u00a0important. On the one hand much Home Office\/Ministry of Justice sponsored research\u00a0(e.g. on risk management) has supported the conventional state agendas. It can be\u00a0expected that the private sector may start to take over direct funding of such research e.g.\u00a0into most cost-effective forms of surveillance and biometric reporting.<\/p>\n<p>But much academic research has sustained the probation &#8216;counter-culture&#8217; of traditional\u00a0rehabilitation methods in working with offenders in the face of the risk agenda. One\u00a0immediately thinks of such research as the Liverpool desistance studies by Shadd Maruna\u00a0and others (Carvalho, Maruna &amp; Porter, 2004).<\/p>\n<p>The question is what the role of such research will be in the new world of privatisation.\u00a0One example to illustrate this issue is some recent research undertaken with academics\u00a0and practitioners in a European context on the role of Photovoice as a rehabilitation\u00a0technique.<\/p>\n<p>Photovoice is an established method developed initially by researchers in the area of\u00a0health promotion (Wang &amp; Burris, 1997). By utilizing photographs taken and selected by\u00a0participants, respondents can reflect upon and explore the reasons, emotions and\u00a0experiences that have guided their chosen images. This visual approach is a potentially\u00a0powerful research tool to examine supervision experiences from the offender&#8217;s\u00a0perspective in an innovative and engaging manner.<\/p>\n<p>Supervisible, a Photovoice research project, arose out of a paper presented at a meeting\u00a0of the COST (European Cooperation in Science and Technology) Offender Supervision in\u00a0Europe Group. This European network involved researchers across 23 countries working\u00a0for almost four years (from 2012-2016) to promote cooperation between institutions and\u00a0individuals in different European states (and with different disciplinary perspectives)\u00a0carrying out research on offender supervision. The primary aim has been to explore and\u00a0Innovation and privatisation in the probation service in England and Wales\u00a0share best practice in supervision. The sub-group &#8216;Experiencing Supervision&#8217; felt that a\u00a0new visual method of exploration of offenders\u2019 experience of supervision would be helpful\u00a0and would enable participants to feel empowered and enriched by the process of being\u00a0involved in a creative research project. Offenders are often people who have had negative\u00a0experiences in terms of their educational achievement and their literacy skills (McNeill et\u00a0al., 2011). This often inhibits their confidence and ability to verbally articulate their<br \/>\nexperiences and feelings, in common with other marginalised groups within society.\u00a0Creative interventions can enable participants to increase their self-esteem and selfconfidence\u00a0as well as develop new skills with which to communicate to themselves and\u00a0share their emotions\/experiences with others (Palibroda et al., 2009). Supervisible aims\u00a0begin to bridge the gap in academic knowledge of how supervision is experienced and\u00a0understood by those subject to it. It uses a visual and innovative Photovoice methodology\u00a0to understand the perspectives of service users. Participants are invited to take a series of\u00a0photographs, select specific ones and discuss their choices and motives with the\u00a0researchers and fellow participants.<\/p>\n<p>The technique was found to be highly successful not just in providing rich research data\u00a0but in enabling supervisees to gain insight and begin to build a more confident and selfaware\u00a0perception of themselves as worthwhile people who could be re-integrated into\u00a0society. By creating a visual biography which dealt with the whole person this method of\u00a0engagement clashes with fragmentation of &#8216;datavidual&#8217; into risk scores (Franko Aas, 2004).\u00a0This is a labour-intensive way of working and clients need reassurance that photos are not\u00a0about surveillance, they need time and space to tell their stories. However it has been\u00a0widely and successfully used in a variety of settings in many countries (Wang &amp; Burris,\u00a01997; Rose, 2006).<\/p>\n<p>How can this type of labour- and time-intensive, &#8216;whole person&#8217; oriented research help the\u00a0work of practitioners? Obviously it is viable research as such, in a European context,\u00a0because no other jurisdiction either in the UK or in the EU has followed the privatisation\u00a0&#8216;Transforming Rehabilitation&#8217; agenda imposed on England and Wales. Comparative\u00a0research utilising such techniques can potentially demonstrate which methods of\u00a0engagement and support work most effectively with offenders on supervision as well as\u00a0highlight policies which obstruct or impede meaningful interaction. Thus insight gained\u00a0from England and Wales as well as other European countries enables practitioners to learn\u00a0from one another and to strengthen their professional knowledge and integrity. However\u00a0could such skilled innovative techniques be successfully deployed within a Community\u00a0Rehabilitation Company?<\/p>\n<p>There are two issues: are the CRCs likely to be innovators and is Photovoice the sort of\u00a0innovation they might be interested in? Much centres on the debate on payment by\u00a0results (PbR). If desistance targets can be achieved by the &#8216;Sodexo model&#8217; &#8211; redundancies\u00a0and kiosk reporting- then the only type of research the CRCs will be interested in will be\u00a0that which explores and refines the use of technology and pacification. If they kill off the\u00a0old probation culture through redundancies and recruitment of a new &#8216;precariat&#8217; labour\u00a0force of surveillance operatives then there will be no link any longer with desistance\u00a0research such as that of Liverpool or Photovoice (see Fitzgibbon &amp; Lea, 2014).<\/p>\n<p>But the argument has been made &#8211; by the National Audit Office (NAO) &#8211; that CRCs may be\u00a0in a position to break free from the surveillance and risk management agenda which was &#8211;\u00a0remember &#8211; imposed by the state through\u00a0 National Standards and subsequent National\u00a0Probation Service targets and uniform methods of working. The reason for this break is\u00a0that PbR is open minded about how the results are delivered, as long as they are\u00a0delivered. A recent NAO study argued:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>&#8216;Payment by Results potentially offers benefits such as innovative solutions\u00a0to intractable problems. If it can deliver these benefits, then the increased\u00a0risk and cost may be justified.&#8217; (National Audit Office, 2015)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>This is probably combined with the assumption that the voluntary sector, small and medium sized charities, are hopefully going to play a significant role in the CRCs.<\/p>\n<p>Yet the fact is that labour-intensive methods like Photovoice will be competing with\u00a0technology based surveillance systems like biometric reporting and will require longer and\u00a0more intensive practitioner training at a time of austerity and slimmed down staffing\u00a0levels.<\/p>\n<p>The crucial issue is what the CRCs\u2019 definition of rehabilitation will be: keeping people quiet\u00a0through surveillance or reintegration into employment and community? From a PbR\u00a0perspective the latter is increasingly unpredictable. The &#8216;meaningful journeys&#8217; of the\u00a0Photovoice population, like those entering into meaningful non-criminogenic community\u00a0relations in the Liverpool study, is predicated upon viable communities with employment\u00a0opportunities and enhanced life chances. These are beyond the control of the CRCs while\u00a0cheaper and more predictable surveillance mechanisms are available over the medium\u00a0term (i.e. the period over which PbR is likely to be measured).<\/p>\n<p>There may be simply a continuation of the mixed economy of Photovoice and similar\u00a0intensive interventions for more serious offenders and this is likely to be restricted to the\u00a0National Probation Service while CRCs concentrate on easily manageable and measurable\u00a0desistance such as those involved in kiosk reporting, techniques which have no\u00a0uncontrollable costs in terms of lifestyle and community integration.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, it should not be forgotten that CRCs are in competition with each other for\u00a0potential contract renewal and therefore may be reluctant to share or promote innovative\u00a0methods with their market competitors to enable them to stay ahead in terms of\u00a0tendering advantages.<\/p>\n<p>An expanded version of this thought piece will appear as a chapter in a forthcoming book\u00a0edited by John Lea and Sam King entitled Privatisation and Criminal Justice: recent\u00a0experience in England and Wales published by Policy Press.<\/p>\n<h3>References<\/h3>\n<p>Carvalho, I., Maruna, S. and Porter, L. (2004) The Liverpool Desistance Study and probation\u00a0practice: opening the dialogue. Probation Journal, 51(3): 221\u2013247.<br \/>\nDeering, J. and Feilzer, M. (2015) Privatising Probation: Is Transforming Rehabilitation the\u00a0End of the Probation Ideal? Policy Press.<br \/>\nDoward, J. (2012) &#8216;Probation officers to be replaced by electronic kiosks in pilot scheme&#8217;,\u00a0The Guardian, 28th April 2012.<br \/>\nFitzgibbon, D. W. (2007) Risk analysis and the new practitioner: Myth or reality?\u00a0Punishment and Society, 9(1): 87\u201397.<br \/>\nFitzgibbon, W. (2011) Probation and Social Work on Trial: Violent Offenders and Child\u00a0Abusers. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.<br \/>\nFitzgibbon, W. (2013) Risk and privatisation, British Journal of Community Justice, 11(2\/3):87.<br \/>\nFitzgibbon, W. and Lea, J. (2014) Defending probation: Beyond privatisation and security,\u00a0European Journal of Probation, 6(1), 24\u201341.<br \/>\nFranko Aas, K. (2004) From Narrative to Database: technological change and penal culture,\u00a0Punishment and Society, 6:379\u2013393.<br \/>\nMcNeill, F., Anderson, K., Colvin, S., Overy,K., Sparks, R. and Tett, L. (2011) Inspiring\u00a0Desistance? Arts projects and \u2018what works?&#8217;, Justitiele verkenningen, 37(5): 80-101.<br \/>\nNational Audit Office (2015) Outcome-based payment schemes: government\u2019s use of\u00a0payment by results &#8211; National Audit Office. Available at: https:\/\/www.nao.org.uk\/pressreleases\/outcome-based-payment-schemes-governments-use-of-payment-by-results-2\/. Accessed 11\/02\/2016.<br \/>\nPalibroda, B., with Krieg, B., Murdock, L., and Havelock, J. (2009) A practical guide to\u00a0Photovoice: sharing pictures, telling stories and changing communities. Winnipeg: The\u00a0Prairie Women Health\u2019s Centre of Excellence<br \/>\nRose, G. (2011) Visual methodologies: An introduction to researching with visual materials.\u00a0London: Sage.<br \/>\nStanding, G. (2011) The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class. London: Bloomsbury\u00a0Academic.<br \/>\nTravis, A. (2015) &#8216;Probation officers face redundancy in plan to replace them with\u00a0machines&#8217;, The Guardian, 30th March 2015.<br \/>\nWang, C. and Burris, M. A. (1997) Photovoice: Concept, methodology, and use for\u00a0participatory needs assessment. 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