{"id":1376,"date":"2015-06-15T14:29:05","date_gmt":"2015-06-15T13:29:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mmuperu.co.uk\/bjcj\/?p=1376"},"modified":"2022-12-19T11:11:11","modified_gmt":"2022-12-19T11:11:11","slug":"life-stories-in-development-thoughts-on-narrative-methods-with-young-people","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mmuperu.co.uk\/bjcj\/articles\/life-stories-in-development-thoughts-on-narrative-methods-with-young-people\/","title":{"rendered":"Life Stories in Development: Thoughts on Narrative Methods with Young People"},"content":{"rendered":"

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Published<\/span><\/td>\n15\/06\/2015<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Type<\/td>\nArticle<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Author(s)<\/td>\nAnne Robinson<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
Corresponding Authors<\/td>\nAnne Robinson, Principal Lecturer, Dept. of Law and Criminology, Sheffield Hallam University<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
DOA<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
DOI<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

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Qualitative research has taken a distinctly ‘narrative turn’. This article questions whether and how narrative methods differ when used with young people. The discussion first explores young people’s developing abilities to create stories about themselves and their worlds, as they connect their various experiences in order to make sense of them. Discussion then moves on to examine examples of research with young people using mobile and creative methods which have been chosen over conventional interview methods for their potential both to engage young people and to enable them to fashion their own stories. These examples come from a range of disciplines, including youth studies, social geography, anthropology and education. One common feature is the attempt to reduce power differentials between (adult) researchers and (young) participants. This, of course, is particularly salient for research with young offenders and in youth justice settings where complex issues of power and disempowerment are at play. The final elements of discussion suggest there would be benefits for criminologists in exploring narrative methodologies as a more participative way of researching with young people.[\/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner column_width_percent=”100″ gutter_size=”3″ overlay_alpha=”50″ shift_x=”0″ shift_y=”0″ shift_y_down=”0″ z_index=”0″ medium_width=”0″ align_mobile=”align_center_mobile” mobile_width=”0″ width=”1\/1″][uncode_share layout=”multiple” bigger=”yes” separator=”yes”][\/vc_column_inner][\/vc_row_inner][vc_column_text]Introduction<\/strong>
\nHuman beings are natural story-tellers (McAdams & McLean, 2013); we habitually create\u00a0narratives to give purpose and meanings to our lives, actions and identities. It is also\u00a0argued that stories serve a variety of social functions, including evaluating past\u00a0experiences, persuading an audience of a particular point of view or drawing the audience\u00a0into the experience of the narrator (Reissman, 2008). Although not necessarily used\u00a0consciously, narratives may nevertheless be viewed as ‘strategic, functional and\u00a0purposeful. Storytelling is selected over non-narrative forms of communication to\u00a0accomplish certain ends’ (Reissman, 2008:8). It is therefore not surprising that narratives\u00a0have caught the attention of social researchers and that over the past two decades we\u00a0have seen a decisive ‘narrative turn’ in qualitative research.<\/p>\n

Of course there is huge variation in what ‘counts’ as narrative and the extent to which\u00a0stories are developed and sustained (Bamberg, 2006; Phoenix & Sparkes, 2009). In\u00a0particular, narratives of self and identity tend to differ in complexity and coherence\u00a0according to age. McAdams (1993) suggests that our personal myths are constantly\u00a0reworked over the lifecycle, starting with the early creation of story themes and our own\u00a0personal fables from\u00a0 adolescence. The qualitative methods used with young people to\u00a0collect their biographical stories must, therefore, reflect their growing sense of ‘a life lived’\u00a0and abilities to make connections between, and derive meaning from, their life\u00a0experiences. Different methods, of course, may be needed where the research is actionoriented,\u00a0rather than reflective, and focused on the use of narrative in social interactions\u00a0to construct identity (Bamberg & Georgakopoulou, 2008). In either case research has to\u00a0engage young people and sustain their interest. To this end, researchers in areas such as\u00a0youth studies, social geography, anthropology and education have explored innovative\u00a0methodologies including visual or walking methods, diaries in various media or a\u00a0combination of these. This article explores examples of such methods and considers their\u00a0use within criminology. Here we have seen narrative enquiry used with adults (most\u00a0famously by Shadd Maruna (2001) in Making Good: How Ex-Convicts Reform and Rebuild\u00a0Their Lives) but strikingly little attention to creative methods as a means of eliciting\u00a0narratives from young people.<\/p>\n

The article goes on to examine concerns about the power relations that exist, of course, in\u00a0all research but are heightened in the case of young people. This is especially so where\u00a0the research takes place within schools, for example, or where access is negotiated\u00a0through institutional gatekeepers (Heath et al., 2009; Hopkins, 2010). Furthermore, while\u00a0creative methodologies can help reduce power differentials between adults and young\u00a0people, researchers should not assume that this will happen automatically. Close\u00a0attention to the research process and a reflexive and critical approach is therefore needed\u00a0throughout (Punch, 2002). The article ends with thoughts on the benefits and potential\u00a0limitations of creative methods and narrative research generally with young people, and\u00a0their potential value within criminology.<\/p>\n

Emerging life stories<\/strong>
\nUnlike life history, which has a basis in objective facts, life stories are subjective, fashioned\u00a0from memories and reflections (Habermas & Bluck, 2000). The ability to construct stories\u00a0and to make meaning out of events and personal experience develops over childhood and\u00a0increases during adolescence. Research shows that in mid-adolescence young people\u00a0typically master a greater range of cognitive skills that better equip them to manage\u00a0contradictions and paradox both in the world around them and in aspects of their own\u00a0identities (McAdams & McLean, 2013). Self-stories consequently grow in complexity,\u00a0linked to the growing capacity for what Habermas and Bluck (2000) term autobiographical\u00a0reasoning. They argue that this is the principal mechanism through which ‘individuals\u00a0attempt to integrate past and present events into a coherent and meaningful\u00a0representation of their lives’ (Bluck & Habermas, 2000:136). They suggest that this\u00a0involves constructing a cognitive schema to order and to make sense of these life events\u00a0and their emotional, motivational and other impacts.<\/p>\n

In truth there is no universally accepted account of the relationship between the narrative\u00a0construction of self and identity, with authors giving different degrees of weight to\u00a0psycho-social processes, cultural repertoires and resources, and performance and social\u00a0relations (Smith & Sparkes, 2008). McAdams (1993; 1996), for example, sees identity\u00a0construction through narrative as happening through an imaginative rendering of past,\u00a0present and future in a way that gives meaning and coherence. This is a largely internal\u00a0process at one end of Smith and Sparkes’ (2008) suggested continuum. At the other,\u00a0externalising versions see narrative identity as situated in specific social contexts and
\ninteractions (including the many transactions that take place in youth justice settings).<\/p>\n

This invites us to consider the social and psychological elements of narrative identity in\u00a0adolescence and the extent to which it is produced through internal processes or in\u00a0response to external events and relations, a question that seems by no means settled.\u00a0Naturally, young people will engage in ‘identity-work’ in diverse ways but research\u00a0nevertheless suggests typical progress towards the developmental task of constructing a\u00a0relatively stable, albeit not fixed, adult identity. Interestingly Habermas and Bluck’s (2000)\u00a0review of the relatively few studies on the life stories of adolescents outlines the evidence\u00a0of their growing capacity to bring events and experiences together to create an overarching\u00a0narrative which integrates diverse elements and displays increasing global\u00a0coherence. They further identify four key domains where cognitive development\u00a0contributes to coherence: temporal which includes a sense of the sequence of past events\u00a0and how they are related; cultural which implies growing awareness of biographical norms\u00a0and expectations of life stages and transitions; thematic, including elements of evaluation\u00a0and summary, as well as comparison across life episodes; and causal coherence, by which\u00a0they mean the ability to link events and to develop explanations (Habermas & Bluck,\u00a02000). The timing and rate of development may vary across these domains. Growth in\u00a0causal coherence is possibly the most significant (Bluck & Habermas, 2000) as a young\u00a0person starts to employ the skills of autobiographical reasoning to explain actions or\u00a0suggest causes for events in terms of\u00a0 personality traits, needs or motivations that are\u00a0continuous across time (Fivush et al., 2011). And on occasions there is also an opposing\u00a0need to account for discrepancies or discontinuities. Again the young person may\u00a0associate him or herself with relatively stable personal qualities, but in this case to\u00a0underline how a particular behaviour or event – perhaps drug use or act of aggression – is\u00a0atypical or out of character, essentially a ‘not like me’ event (Pasupathi et al., 2007:105).<\/p>\n

In relation to coherence and credibility, McAdams marks the distinction between the ‘I’\u00a0that is narrating and creating self, and the ‘Me’ that is the self that is being narrated. He\u00a0contends that:<\/p>\n

‘The main function of a life story is integration. By binding together\u00a0disparate elements within the Me into a broader narrative frame, the selfing\u00a0process can make a patterned identity out of what may appear, at first\u00a0blush, to be a random and scattered life. The I can provide an integrated\u00a0telling of the self as a more or less followable and believable story.’\u00a0(McAdams, 1996:309)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Of course, the process he outlines may be more or less complex depending on cultural\u00a0context or the skills of the narrator, and according to the different demands and functions\u00a0of the life story at particular life stages. Both distance and perspective are needed to\u00a0understand the past and its connection to the self (McLean, 2008). These tend to come\u00a0into play during adolescence as individuals start to identify the life events which have\u00a0been most personally significant, what Fivush et al. (2011) call ‘self-defining memories’. This coincides with wider societal expectations of self-presentation in adolescence\u00a0(Habermas & Bluck, 2000) which (in modern Western society at least) presuppose a high\u00a0degree of reflexivity and active work on identity (McAdams, 1996). At this pivotal stage,\u00a0young people may draw on their parents and families as a key resource to help them\u00a0develop autobiographical content and co-construct identity from shared memories and\u00a0stories. Yet even where such support is in place, the work involved in making meaning out\u00a0of events and experiences is not necessarily comfortable and, for some young people, may\u00a0be detrimental to well-being (McAdams & McLean, 2013).<\/p>\n

Related work by Pasupathi and colleagues (2007) examined the relationship between life\u00a0experiences and identity, exploring the developmental implications of these ‘self-event\u00a0relations’. Many narratives have no immediate\u00a0 relevance to self and identity, having other\u00a0purposes entirely. But they were able to group those that do into four categories. The\u00a0first type of self-event link they suggest is explanatory, where the narrator seeks to show\u00a0how the ‘self’ caused the event to occur and presents this as evidence of stability and\u00a0continuity in his or her personal traits or qualities. This then allows the event to be\u00a0incorporated into his or her life narrative, in a way that reaffirms the existing sense of self.\u00a0Pasupathi et al. call their second type of link ‘dismissal’. Here the narrator sees the\u00a0behaviour or event as incongruent with self, so may explain it away as due to\u00a0circumstances or as a ‘first and last time’ incident and, consequently, reject it from the life\u00a0story.<\/p>\n

The third and fourth types of links both relate to changes in an individual’s self-perception.\u00a0In the one case these are caused by events or experiences that result in an altered view of\u00a0self. If such events or experiences are\u00a0 problematic, as in illness or assault, the narrative\u00a0themes developed may be ‘redemptive’ indicating growth and resilience, or conversely\u00a0‘contaminating’ and therefore personally diminishing. For criminology, the interest here\u00a0may lie in how individuals respond to life events and their capacities to cope, given that\u00a0the histories of many young offenders disproportionately feature experiences of\u00a0discontinuity, loss and abuse. And there is further interest in the effects of significant\u00a0criminal justice events on young people – arrest, conviction, detention, not least amongst\u00a0these.<\/p>\n

Finally, Pasupathi et al. identified a ‘reveal’ connection which is rarer but potentially most\u00a0troubling. This is seen in narratives arguing that an experience has disclosed or revealed\u00a0to the narrator a quality that previously existed but went unrecognised (Pasupathi et al.,\u00a02007). The narrator may then need to rework aspects of his or her ‘self’ to embed the\u00a0newly revealed element of identity and possibly to account for its previous absence from\u00a0the self-story. Again, this may be a useful concept in relation to young offenders,\u00a0encouraging researchers to allow space to explore what it may mean for them to be\u00a0confronted with the harm they have caused or to realise the extent of their dependence\u00a0on drugs.<\/p>\n

Using these constructs of autobiographical reasoning (Habermas & Bluck, 2000) and selfevent\u00a0relations (Pasupathi et al., 2007), McLean (2008) examined differences in the life\u00a0narratives of young people (17-35 years) and older people (65-85 years). In objective\u00a0terms, both groups were undergoing change by virtue of their life-stage, for example,\u00a0physically, cognitively and in social relationships and roles. McLean was interested in how\u00a0individuals integrated experiences into their identity and whether the self-event\u00a0connections they made as they recounted a series of self-defining memories in interview\u00a0would represent personal continuity or personal change. Previous research had suggested\u00a0that older people tend to assimilate rather than to accommodate change, emphasising\u00a0stability and ‘sameness in change’ (Pasupathi et al., 2007) McLean further hypothesised\u00a0that the young people in her sample would report more change connections and that\u00a0these would relate to more recent autobiographical memories. As expected, the older\u00a0participants tended to report more thematic coherence in their life stories and to relate\u00a0their individual stories back to major life themes or metaphors using explanatory\u00a0connections. What was not expected was that both groups were engaged in similar levels\u00a0of reflective processing of life events (although notably females more than males in both\u00a0age groups). McLean, however, suggests that reflection may serve different functions for\u00a0each group:<\/p>\n

‘For younger people, narrative appears to provide a means for selfexploration\u00a0and self-understanding, and for older people, it appears to\u00a0provide a means for stability and resolution.’ (McLean, 2008:262)<\/p>\n

So young people as they encounter new events and social relations need to add these\u00a0episodes to their life stories, evaluating their salience and choosing appropriate self-event\u00a0connections (Pasupathi et al., 2007). And identities as constructed through narratives may\u00a0be changed as a result of experiences that are formative or else of the ‘reveal’ type. The\u00a0cognitive tools required for autobiographical reasoning and conceptual thinking typically\u00a0develop in adolescence, allowing for more complex abstractions and interpretations of life\u00a0events as they are retrospectively reconstructed to bolster self-continuity (Habermas &\u00a0Bluck, 2000). However, that is not the only aspect of\u00a0 development in adolescence; young\u00a0people are also absorbing a range of cultural messages and accepted ways of framing and\u00a0presenting stories, including the use of master narratives to structure reminiscence and as\u00a0a potential tool for evaluation (Fivush et al., 2011). Their narrative repertoire and access\u00a0to cultural references and tropes to enhance stories may consequently extend and\u00a0diversify. At the same time they become more skilled in the\u00a0 construction of stories and\u00a0their constituent parts, such as plot, characterisation and resolution (Reissman, 2008:Daiute, 2014).<\/p>\n

Of course, young people use narratives in a variety of ways that are not biographical,\u00a0although they may still have a bearing on ‘identity-in-the-making’. Bamberg argues that\u00a0developed autobiographical accounts have been privileged in narrative research but ‘\u201dBig\u00a0Stories\u201d are hardly everyday phenomena. They most often require elaborate elicitation\u00a0techniques, precisely for the reason that they are not likely to be shared spontaneously’\u00a0(2006:71). In contrast, exploration of identities constructed through ‘small stories’\u00a0embedded in everyday interactions, allows different insights and:<\/p>\n

‘[O]pens us up and urges us to scrutinise the inconsistencies, contradictions,\u00a0moments of trouble and tension, and the teller’s constant navigation and\u00a0finessing between different versions of selfhood in local contexts.’ (Bamberg\u00a0& Georgakopoulou, 2008:394)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

So rather than seeking coherence and authenticity in narratives, the researcher here\u00a0focuses on the equivocations, ambiguities and complexities revealed in ‘small-talk, chitchat\u00a0\u2026[and] small stories-in-interactions with the same participants but at different times\u00a0and in different settings’ (Bamberg, 2004:368). Although Bamberg (2004) suggests that turning attention to ‘small stories’ may be particularly beneficial in research with children\u00a0and adolescents, an interesting example of combining big and small stories in research\u00a0exists at the other end of the age spectrum. Phoenix and Sparkes’ (2009) study of positive\u00a0identity change with age is based on the case of ‘Fred’ who was contacted by the\u00a0researchers after they had seen a newspaper report of a football match that he organised\u00a0to celebrate his 70th birthday. Major overarching themes emerging from Fred’s life history\u00a0interviews included ‘life is what you make it’, ‘being leisurely’ and ‘keeping fit’. Supplemented by insights from informal interactions concerning health, daily routines and engagement with health and fitness media (such as magazines), this formed a rich data set allowing multiple perspectives on what growing old meant to Fred. The authors thus argue for the benefits of similar combined approaches which may indeed be valuable in narrative research with young people where it may be impractical or inappropriate to rely solely on biographical interviews.<\/p>\n

Capturing young people’s narratives<\/strong>
\nThe ‘small stories’ approach is based on a performative view of identity construction\u00a0through narrative whilst other orientations to narrative research are underpinned by\u00a0interest in internal psychosocial development. Whatever view is taken of the dynamic\u00a0between narrative and identity, research methods that encourage young people’s active\u00a0participation are likely to produce richer material than those where young people are\u00a0treated as the object of research. While this is recognised in criminological research with\u00a0young people, it is researchers in other disciplines who have sought imaginative ways of\u00a0involving young people and have explored new opportunities offered, for example, by
\nvisual media and mobile methods. However, creative enthusiasm should be balanced with\u00a0careful thought about what is most appropriate for the age and developmental stages of\u00a0the young people concerned. Pertinent to this, Punch (2002a) asks whether research with\u00a0children is the same or different to research with adults, warning against the dangers of\u00a0bracketing all children together as ‘not adult’ without recognition of their diversity.<\/p>\n

Age being one critical dimension of that diversity, it is important that research design keys\u00a0into the particular level of cognitive skills and competences, for example in\u00a0autobiographical reasoning, that young people might bring to the research process. And,\u00a0of course, young people may also have accumulated a range of social, technical and other\u00a0skills that they can draw upon. Providing opportunities to use these existing skills and to\u00a0master new ones may be key tools for engagement. Innovative methods may be helpful in\u00a0this endeavour although ‘the benefits and drawbacks of using them are not always\u00a0scrutinised. A reflexive and critical approach is needed in order to recognise their
\ndisadvantages and limits, as well as the reasons for using them’ (Punch, 2002a:330). The\u00a0studies cited here all exemplify such qualities of reflexivity in research design,\u00a0implementation and analysis. One central concern throughout is the attempt to reduce\u00a0the power differential between (adult) researcher and (young) participants, a range of\u00a0different activities being devised with this in mind.<\/p>\n

Many young people keep diaries as a matter of course, reflecting the genesis of\u00a0biographical interest in adolescence (Habermas & Bluck, 2000). It is therefore not\u00a0surprising that diaries in various formats have been developed for research purposes,\u00a0allowing participant control of data within basic perimeters set by the researcher. A\u00a0ground-breaking example of this was developed for the longitudinal biographical study,\u00a0Inventing Adulthoods (Henderson et al., 2007) in the form of ‘memory books’ (Thomson &\u00a0Holland, 2005). The research team’s ideas for this method came from a number of\u00a0sources which included the therapeutic use of ‘memory boxes’ with children. Their shared\u00a0interest in the theory and practice of ‘memory work’ led them to collect together their\u00a0own memories, realising from this process that the significant memories recalled may well\u00a0differ from consciously narrated selves. Therefore:<\/p>\n

‘In the memory books we hoped that asking young people to document\u00a0themselves though the collection of memorable material, away from the\u00a0demands of the direct interview situation (more or less in privacy, engaging\u00a0in a different mode of time) might facilitate the production of different and\u00a0complementary constructions of self.’ (2005:204)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Three striking aspects of this research practice are worth noting. First, the research team\u00a0themselves each compiled a memory book over 3 months before consulting young people involved in the research about the final format. A review of these books illustrated the\u00a0diverse ways that the task could be interpreted and carried out, alerting them to the\u00a0variety in memory books that they might anticipate from their participants. Second, some\u00a0young people given the ‘raw materials’ – a notebook, folder, glue, stickers with trigger\u00a0words, a disposable camera and a basic set of instructions – chose to create a reflective\u00a0diary, others assembled more of a scrap book containing images and\u00a0 memorabilia. And\u00a0there was also variation in how far the memory books were employed as an interactive\u00a0tool: some became collective projects or were shown to family and friends, in contrast to\u00a0those where young people’s private thoughts were shared only with the researcher. In\u00a0this respect there is evidence of both ‘doing identity’ through this task and, in other cases,\u00a0taking a more reflective approach to experiences. Third, the memory books gave insights
\ninto aspects of everyday life, interactions and ‘small stories’ that may not have surfaced in\u00a0a standard interview, and were thus used as the basis of the second round of Inventing\u00a0Adulthood interviews as well as being copied and retrospectively analysed in their own\u00a0right (Thomson & Holland, 2005).<\/p>\n

One of the questions that arose as young people crafted their memory books is that of\u00a0audience (Thomson & Holland, 2005). This was also pertinent in Worth’s (2009) analysis\u00a0of using audio-diaries with visually impaired young people as a follow up to an earlier face\u00a0to face interview. Her intention was to further explore the participants’ experiences of\u00a0transition and the significance of the ‘fateful moments’ (Giddens, 1991) that they had\u00a0identified in their lives. Referring to Latham’s (2003) suggestion that the diary itself\u00a0becomes a kind of performance that draws on the diarist’s narrative resources, she was\u00a0sensitised to the ways that young people spoke to the diary, sometimes explicitly\u00a0addressing the researcher or using conversational tactics to engage her. Interestingly,\u00a0because participants had freedom in how they used the audio-diary, some did so in\u00a0unexpected ways; for example, one young person chose to talk about his confidence and\u00a0positive feelings about independence indirectly through the device of giving advice to the\u00a0parent of a\u00a0visually impaired child. Yet, although the diary methods were valuable and\u00a0certainly had appeal for the young people, the critical ingredient in encouraging their ‘onesided\u00a0conversations’ was a sense of having an audience. That in turn was dependent on\u00a0having a sufficiently strong researcher-participant relationship already established through\u00a0earlier interviews (Worth, 2009).<\/p>\n

A slightly different approach was taken by Bagnoli (2004) in her study of young people (16-25 years) and migration in Italy and England. Here she combined a short structured 7 day\u00a0diary with visual techniques, such as the creation of a self-portrait in the initial interview\u00a0and selection of a single personal photograph, which together enabled participants to\u00a0construct their multi-layered autobiographical narratives. Elsewhere, Bagnoli (2009) again\u00a0used self-portraits as part of interviews with younger participants, then in later meetings\u00a0added timelines and relational maps through which young people were able to describe\u00a0their significant relationships. Similar to Punch’s (2002a) use of drawings with children in\u00a0Bolivia, these activities simply required blank paper and pencils or pens. Other visual\u00a0methods, of course, rely much more on technology such as cameras or videos. These can\u00a0be used either in researcher-led ways to provide stimulus material (Punch, 2002b; Kearns,\u00a02014) or to record parts of the research process (McLeod, 2003). Alternatively they might\u00a0be used in participant-led ways, as a creative tool for young people. And these may well\u00a0be combined with the mobile methods explored in the next section.<\/p>\n

Reflections on context, space and place<\/strong>
\nFor Jenkins (1996) social identity is definitively embodied, not least because individuals\u00a0possess bodily characteristics such as gender or physical ability\/impairment that affect\u00a0social relations and identifications. The embodied self also exists in particular social and\u00a0physical spaces, which for young people may include the institutional spaces of schools\u00a0and other places where they engage in activities and social relations (Hopkins, 2010).\u00a0With adolescence being the first time that young people negotiate public space on their\u00a0own, Cahill speaking from Lower East Side, Manhattan, argues that how they:<\/p>\n

‘[D]efine their environmental transactions is intimately bound with the way\u00a0in which they construct their identities. In these interactions, environmental\u00a0experiences are a means of reflecting upon, reproducing and transforming\u00a0the self.’ (Cahill, 2000:251)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Understandably, then, researchers have looked beyond the standard interview context as\u00a0they seek to enter young people’s worlds and explore their relationships with space and\u00a0place. While studies of this type are less focused on (auto) biography they are still\u00a0concerned with developing narratives to interrogate the ways that young people construct\u00a0identity-in-context and the meanings that places have for them. And they tap into\u00a0methods that provide richer insights into multi-sensory experiences because:<\/p>\n

‘More creative and interactive methods are able to include objects, events\u00a0and the respondent’s whole body and senses in generating knowledge and\u00a0communicating a place\u2026Especially methods that can be used ‘in the field’\u00a0enabled research participants to communicate place by using their senses\u00a0(olfactory, tactile, auditory, visual).’ (Trell & Van Hoven, 2010:101)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Of course, space can be loaded with meaning for young people, but specific spaces can\u00a0also represent safe territory. This latter potential has been exploited by Ross et al. (2009)\u00a0in an ethnographic study of 8 young people involved in the care system. One key element\u00a0of data collection in the (Extra)-ordinary Lives project came from interactions in routine\u00a0car journeys as young people were driven to and from the project’s fortnightly sessions.\u00a0These, often interrupted, partial conversations were particularly interesting as research\u00a0encounters; the primary attention of the researcher\/driver was on the road so removing\u00a0pressure and allowing the young person to control the timing and types of stories and\u00a0intimate details shared. The dimensions of the power relationship also changed with\u00a0familiarity. This was particularly so on occasions where the young person was directing\u00a0the route, perhaps a diversion to pass a place that held associations, or choosing music to\u00a0play, both being examples of ‘negotiation of a shared experiential journey’ (2009:608).<\/p>\n

Shared journeys also featured in the research in the form of ‘guided’ walks, in some cases\u00a0recorded on video or audio. These allowed the young person to choose the route taken,\u00a0literally around his or her local environment, and figuratively in terms of the course of\u00a0narratives. The conversations thus generated differed from those in more static settings\u00a0because the conversation itself was only one element of the experience:<\/p>\n

‘[T]he people, places and things passed and sounds, sights, smells and so\u00a0forth of these encounters\u2026Walking with young people through their\u00a0everyday locales triggered the sharing of narratives from the mundane to\u00a0the intimate and significant, the rhythm of the journey creating a context\u00a0through which young people could pace the sharing of their narratives.’\u00a0(Ross et al., 2009:614)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The multi-sensory nature of mobile methods is also captured in a social geography study\u00a0in Cedar, Vancouver Island (Trell & Van Hoven, 2010) which, again, employed a variety of\u00a0media. This was a 9 month project, one part of which involved each of the four 17 year\u00a0old participants in planning a walk around the village, enabling the researcher to\u00a0experience each young person interacting with the environment. Through the walks,\u00a0young people identified places that were significant to them, where they spent time and\u00a0where they socialised. In a different element of the project, this data was supplemented\u00a0by creation of ‘mental maps’ where participants created additional (and perhaps contrary)\u00a0representations of spaces, objects and events important to them. These methods,\u00a0alongside photography and film-making, produced rich data, whilst at the same time the\u00a0project empowered the young people through its participatory approach and\u00a0opportunities to enhance skills (for example, in conducting interviews and editing film)\u00a0(Trell & Van Hoven, 2010).<\/p>\n

Empowerment of participants is often a key aim of mobile methods, similar to visual\u00a0methods, because the range of activities that fall within its scope allows potential for\u00a0young people to take control of the research process and\/ or its products. They can be\u00a0adapted according to the needs of the participants and used for populations that are\u00a0otherwise marginalised or excluded (Murray, 2009). For example, Shepherd (2015)\u00a0interviewed young people with varying degrees of autism spectrum condition whilst\u00a0walking around the campus to explore their experiences of transition from special school\u00a0to college. For criminologists, these might well prove valuable in exploring young people’s
\nexperiences of youth justice settings and institutions. And these approaches may be\u00a0particularly fruitful when used in combination with other creative or visual methods to\u00a0enable young people to construct narratives of self in their social and spatial context.<\/p>\n

Researching with young people<\/strong>
\nResearch itself is, of course, conducted in physical space: the location of research activity\u00a0may be one critical difference between research with young people and with adults. As\u00a0Hopkins notes ‘Where research takes place often has significant implications for the\u00a0nature of research interactions, the type of data collected and the comfort of the young\u00a0people involved’ (2010:331-2). It may be assumed that public space is more neutral than\u00a0many other (adult dominated) settings but researchers need to be alert to territorial\u00a0affiliations or the needs of young people who feel labelled and excluded from such spaces\u00a0(Hopkins, 2010). Family homes may present difficulties in terms of privacy and\u00a0confidentiality but for some purposes offer a safe environment for young people to talk\u00a0(as well as perhaps being the focus of research, as in teenage bedroom culture).\u00a0Researching within the educational and other institutions that young people are engaged with brings its own challenges. Punch (2002b), for example, found she had to work with\u00a0the constraints of lesson times and the availability of private interview space in a school\u00a0setting. Voluntary projects may present different context-specific factors to work around\u00a0(Harris et al., 2014).<\/p>\n

Working through institutions either to access young people or to provide the setting for\u00a0research raises issues in two broad areas. The first relates to the need to be sensitive to\u00a0the way that ‘practices, values, behaviours and attitudes’ (Hopkins, 2010:196) within the\u00a0institution might affect the research encounter. These might be positive, as in Punch’s\u00a0(2002a) research in Bolivia where teachers allowed the children to write research diaries\u00a0in place of homework. But the aspirations of research to capture young people’s\u00a0authentic stories and to empower them in the research process may well be thwarted by\u00a0institutional dynamics. This certainly could be a live issue in criminal justice settings\u00a0where staff are accustomed to directing young people to activities and young people’s\u00a0agency (and ability to express their views) is tightly bounded (see, for example, Hazel et\u00a0al., 2002)<\/p>\n

This leads on to the second concern about the power to grant or to deny access. Although\u00a0adult gatekeepers have no legal rights in terms of young people’s decisions to participate\u00a0in research, they may have other responsibilities in relation to well-being, for example, in\u00a0a residential or secure setting (Wiles et al., 2005). While safeguards are important, the\u00a0effect of paternalism or over-protectiveness may be to silence or exclude young people\u00a0who are capable of giving their own consent (Alderson, 2004). This is particularly\u00a0regrettable if decisions are made according to what is convenient for the institution not in\u00a0the interest of the young person (or of the research for that matter!). Heath et al. (2009)\u00a0also point to the opposite problem, where the institution grants the researchers access\u00a0and the young person’s consent is assumed, curtailing their right to opt out.<\/p>\n

Morrow and Richards (1996) distinguish between consent and assent, which is altogether\u00a0more passive and may be indicative of young people complying with the expectations of\u00a0adults – parents or professionals – rather than their own wishes. They also note that:<\/p>\n

‘Ethics committee guidelines place great emphasis on obtaining informed\u00a0consent – perhaps it would be more helpful to allow ‘informed dissent’\u00a0enabling children to refuse to participate in research, though again this will\u00a0be complicated by discussions about age-related competence.’ (1996:95)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Such discussions are indeed complex. As Heath et al. (2009) suggest, in the messiness of\u00a0research practice it may never be possible to gain genuine fully informed consent. In fact,\u00a0France (2004) argues that young people are more competent in this regard than often\u00a0assumed and agrees with Christensen (1998) that researchers should operate on the basis\u00a0of a presumption of competence. For under-16s, the capacity to consent is established by\u00a0the common law ruling in Gillick v W. Norfolk and Wisbech AHA 1985 which held that a\u00a0child who has sufficient understanding could consent to medical treatment and that a\u00a0parent of such a child has no right to override the child’s consent. This decision is taken to\u00a0apply to other areas relating to children (Masson, 2004) including participation in\u00a0research. That said, determining whether a child has ‘sufficient understanding’, as with so\u00a0many ethical questions, is a judgement call, and dependent on assessment of maturity and\u00a0other factors relevant to the specific young person. Nevertheless, wherever appropriate,\u00a0allowing the young person to exercise agency by expressing or withholding consent is
\npreferable to parental consent. Indeed, parental consent may preclude some sensitive\u00a0areas of research, for example, around sexual identity and behaviours where a young\u00a0person has not ‘come out’ to his or her family (Heath et al., 2009).<\/p>\n

There are further tricky questions around confidentiality and anonymity. For example, it is\u00a0often seen as good ethical practice to ask research participants to sign written consent\u00a0forms. Yet this may be problematic with hard-to-reach groups such as asylum-seekers or\u00a0runaways, and perhaps young people involved in drugs or offending too (Wiles et al.,\u00a02005; Heath et al., 2009). Young people may also have strong feelings about how data is\u00a0stored and how findings are later disseminated. This means it is often pragmatic to treat\u00a0consent as an on-going process that needs to be renewed at successive stages (Morrow &\u00a0Richards, 1996). Particularly where studies are long-term or using creative methods, it\u00a0may not be possible to anticipate in advance how the research might develop (or, for\u00a0example, how a young person might react to the way that he or she is portrayed on film).\u00a0Regular checks are helpful to ensure that each young participant is comfortable with the\u00a0data generated and how it will be interpreted and used. It should also be noted that\u00a0researchers using photography or video may encounter additional problems with\u00a0anonymity because people and places may be recognisable from images produced in the\u00a0research (Heath et al., 2009).<\/p>\n

Young people appreciate open and transparent relationships, and will be encouraged to\u00a0participate in research if they feel that is the type of research relationship on offer.\u00a0Researchers have responsibilities, of course, not to work in ways that oppress or harm\u00a0their participants, and also the additional moral duties that any adult has towards young\u00a0people (Morrow & Richards, 1996). This means that there may be limits to the\u00a0confidentiality that the researcher can offer if a young person discloses that he or she is at\u00a0risk of harm or other indicators of risk come to light. Such situations may be relatively\u00a0rare, but issues such as disclosure of offences should be anticipated in research design,
\nwith clear policy and practice to be followed should they arise (France, 2004). An essential\u00a0part of this should be clarity at the stage when consent is sought that confidentiality\u00a0cannot be absolute. Even so the researcher may have choices if faced with a risk of harm\u00a0issue:<\/p>\n

‘Depending on the context, nature of the disclosure, age of the child,\u00a0relationship of child to researcher, perhaps the most helpful solution in such\u00a0situations is for the researcher to discuss with the child what strategy they\u00a0would like to pursue.’ (Morrow & Richards, 2004:98)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

As well as doing no harm, research that offers some benefit to young people is more likely\u00a0to motivate them to participate. It is also worth bearing in mind that young people may\u00a0be encouraged when they perceive that their contribution to research or consultation may\u00a0make a difference. Relatedly, Hill notes that ‘young people are primarily out-come\u00a0orientated. When asked their views they expect a response. Many are disappointed or\u00a0disillusioned when nothing happens afterwards’ (2006:72). Where young people have\u00a0discussed positive experiences of taking part in research they have suggested that they\u00a0found it offered opportunities for learning\/ self-development, that it had therapeutic\u00a0value (Kearns, 2014), that it was empowering or sometimes just enjoyable in itself (Punch,\u00a02002b). Furthermore, feedback from children 5-15 years in focus groups and through\u00a0questionnaires (Hill, 2006) has suggested that they value research designed in ways that\u00a0they see as fair and that offers variety and choice to cater for different tastes and\u00a0temperaments. They want to feel comfortable and respected in their involvement. These\u00a0all seem helpful characteristics for qualitative research seeking young people’s narratives.\u00a0Yet they may present some challenges in criminal justice settings, particularly where there\u00a0are constraints in terms of physical space or young\u00a0 people’s movements.<\/p>\n

Analysing narratives or narrative analysis?<\/strong>
\nStories by their very nature are individual creations. They are also often situated in\u00a0specific time and social contexts. Conventional research criteria of validity and reliability\u00a0prove difficult for narrative research because of the\u00a0 variability of stories told and the\u00a0subjectivity involved in selecting from and interpreting what may be extensive data\u00a0(Lieblich et al., 1998). Narrative researchers, in seeking good practice, may therefore look\u00a0for the alternative qualities of trustworthiness and authenticity in their participants’\u00a0accounts (Heath et al., 2009). And this extends to the analysis of the narrative as well, in\u00a0effect the story as told by the researcher (Reissman, 2008). Of course, there may be\u00a0multiple ways of interpreting any given narrative. The researcher might focus on the\u00a0overall structure of the narrative or parts of it, looking at elements such as plot,\u00a0characterisation and the problems or complicating actions that move the story along and\u00a0require resolution (Reissman, 2008). Alternatively, the researcher may trace themes\u00a0within the narrative, concentrating on content rather than form (Lieblich et al., 1998).\u00a0And there are many ways of linking stories and finding connections (see for example,\u00a0Thomson and Holland, 2003). What is important is not that the analysis is objectively\u00a0‘true’ but that it is credible based on the source material and brings coherence and
\nmeaning to the stories:<\/p>\n

‘In the final analysis, good narrative research persuades readers.\u00a0[Researchers] can present their narratives in ways that demonstrate the\u00a0data are genuine and analytical interpretations of them are plausible,\u00a0reasonable and convincing.’ (Reissman, 2008:191)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This is especially significant in youth research because of the dangers of allowing an adult\u00a0world view to dominate analysis (or even skewing the earlier stage of data collection)\u00a0(Punch, 2002a). Mobile, visual and other methods may help reduce this risk by opening\u00a0space for young people to express feelings or explore their experiences. However, it\u00a0would be na\u00efve to expect this to happen automatically. A number of practical problems,\u00a0such as young people’s lack of technical skills, may impact on the type and quality of data\u00a0(Heath et al., 2009). So care and realistic expectations are needed at the design stage.<\/p>\n

Good research design should also give the researcher scope to seek the young person’s\u00a0reflections and interpretations of the data generated, and to check out his or her own\u00a0provisional analyses with the young person. This, admittedly, demands time and effort\u00a0which may be in short supply. Another difficulty is that images produced by young people\u00a0may be treated as data in their own right, but interpreting them in isolation could leave\u00a0the researcher a hostage to fortune and at risk of misunderstanding the significance of\u00a0what is being represented and how. Some images may recur simply because of the time\u00a0of year when photographs were taken or because they are intrinsically attractive rather\u00a0than having any deeper resonance (Punch, 2002a). Encouraging explanation and using\u00a0images as a means of eliciting a more diverse range of stories may be more valuable,\u00a0especially where images are of aspects of the young person’s world that the researcher\u00a0would not otherwise have access to.<\/p>\n

And what else do we need to think about?<\/strong>
\nIt is almost a truism to say that a good level of communication is essential in researching\u00a0with young people. By definition, most researchers are adult and attached to educational\u00a0institutions, which means that they start from a position of power relative to young\u00a0people (Heath et al., 2009). This may be further complicated by other aspects of identity.\u00a0Class, ethnicity and sexual orientation, for example, may be markers of difference or\u00a0possibly sameness and so a potential point of identification. The social position and\u00a0characteristics of the researcher affect all aspects of the research process. Berger’s (2013)\u00a0experience is particularly instructive on this point: in the course of\u00a0 conducting a study of\u00a0step-families, she became a step-parent herself which moved her from the position of\u00a0‘outsider’ to ‘insider’ with new knowledge and experience that caused her to examine her\u00a0earlier biases and assumptions. Of course, everyone has been young at some time but\u00a0experiences of ‘youth’ are so diverse (and specific to time period) that Heath et al. (2009)\u00a0doubt that this in itself confers any real ‘insider’ status. So at the very least researchers
\nare likely to be working across an age divide and may well have other aspects of difference\u00a0to bridge. This suggests that actively listening – being alert and responsive – must be a vital\u00a0part of the youth researcher skill set. While that might sound obvious, culturally adults\u00a0are not attuned to listening to young people who in turn may not be used to being\u00a0listened to (Punch, 2002a). This may, then, prove more of a challenge than it appears on\u00a0the face of it.<\/p>\n

Hill (2006) notes that young people rarely come into the research process with an entirely\u00a0clean slate, the likelihood being that they have been asked for their views in educational,\u00a0community or other contexts. Previous poor experiences of feedback or consultation\u00a0exercises may mean that researchers have to work very hard to gain young people’s trust\u00a0and more than a token level of engagement. Young people, moreover, may respond to\u00a0certain types of interviews and direct questioning by seeking to supply the ‘right answers’\u00a0to the adult interviewer, particularly in settings such as schools (Heath et al., 2009), where\u00a0they may feel this is a cultural expectation. More open invitations to discussion and the\u00a0telling of stories may be productive but two caveats should be borne in mind. First, that\u00a0young people do vary in their abilities and readiness to create narratives and may feel\u00a0uncomfortable in interviews that offer no focus or structure. Second, some young people\u00a0are only too accustomed to having to tell youth justice workers and other professionals\u00a0about their lives and may give a well-rehearsed story or be reluctant to give any at all. The\u00a0innovative methods earlier discussed may not be a total panacea but may offer some\u00a0means of addressing these issues.<\/p>\n

This brings us back to the thorny question of power relations and the influence of the\u00a0adult researcher across the whole research endeavour. This is especially acute in\u00a0longitudinal studies where young people and researchers meet on numerous occasions\u00a0over an extended period. This sort of long-term view is invaluable in looking at change\u00a0over time and particularly in transitions research. But it brings its challenges and demands\u00a0of the researcher a high degree of reflexivity. Turning again to the Inventing Adulthoods\u00a0study (Henderson et al., 2007), the research team considered how their presence in young\u00a0people’s lives might influence or change their course:<\/p>\n

‘We neither sought to make an intervention into young people’s lives, nor\u00a0denied that we might be doing so. Our decision to ensure a continuity of\u00a0interviewer over time was both pragmatic and guided by a concern with the\u00a0quality of the research relationship. We recognised that it is not a \u201cnormal\u201d\u00a0part of young people’s lives to be invited to participate in regular in-depth\u00a0interviews by researchers from a university, and that impact of the research\u00a0process would have to be addressed in the process of data collection,\u00a0analysis and interpretation. Throughout the research process we have\u00a0attempted to make space for young people to talk about the impact of the\u00a0research process on them.’ (Thomson & Holland, 2003:239)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This, then, recognises the importance of relationships at successive stages of the research\u00a0process and sees carefully considered relationships and subjectivities as virtue, not\u00a0weakness. This was also a feature of the 12-18 Project in which Lyn Yates and Julie\u00a0McLeod collected data from young people at 6 monthly intervals between 1993 and 2000\u00a0(McLeod, 2003). They encouraged participants’ reflexivity by using devices such as\u00a0hypothetical questioning in interviews throughout the project (as an aside, they note that\u00a0this worked better with middle class young women than working class boys).\u00a0Interestingly, at the end of the project, each young person was given a compilation video
\nwith excerpts of their previous interviews and they were able to watch this at home and\u00a0then talk about their reactions (McLeod, 2003). Moreover, the longitudinal nature of the\u00a0research in itself encouraged researcher reflexivity because of the range of data produced\u00a0and the multiple ways that it could be interpreted, compared and contrasted over time,\u00a0representing<\/p>\n

‘[N]ot so much a form of \u201ctriangulation\u201d as an archive of perspectives from\u00a0different periods of time and vantage-points, one that provides a rich and\u00a0comparative basis for understanding patterns of continuity and change in\u00a0identity.’ (McLeod, 2003:202)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Conclusion<\/strong>
\nCriminology has long nurtured interest in young people and their behaviours, but only too\u00a0often the ‘problem’ is framed by adults and takes little account of the views of young\u00a0people. Recent studies have sought to redress this imbalance (see for example, France et al., 2012; McAra & McVie, 2012; Sharpe, 2012, on ‘offending girls’). But on the whole\u00a0criminologists have not exploited the deep potential of the creative and innovative\u00a0methods outlined in this article. And there have been remarkably few longitudinal studies\u00a0allowing young people to unravel their complex biographies and their entanglements in\u00a0crime (one notable exception being Halsey and Deegan’s (2015) 10 year study of 14 young\u00a0offenders in South Australia that is reviewed elsewhere in this journal).<\/p>\n

Why this is the case is perhaps the subject of another article. But there is a compelling\u00a0argument for criminologists researching with young people to extend their\u00a0methodological range in the attempt to capture a greater diversity of stories and to probe\u00a0the connections between youthful biographies and criminal involvements. The ways that\u00a0researchers in other disciplines have opened up young people narratives can surely be\u00a0transferred to criminological questions about young people’s behaviours and\u00a0relationships, and the meanings that these hold for them. Could behaviours viewed\u00a0negatively by adults – as aggressive, rebellious, resistant or overtly sexual – be viewed\u00a0differently by young people as a means of defining themselves and using the limited\u00a0agency they have in the face of adversity? Ungar (2004) certainly identifies ‘hidden\u00a0resilience’ in some of these behaviours, seeing signs of strengths and social competencies,\u00a0even where they are woefully misapplied. Yet it is only by allowing young people to tell\u00a0their stories – big or small – that we can explore shared understandings.<\/p>\n

And, finally, criminologists must inevitably be concerned with the ways that official\u00a0agencies – the youth justice system being only the latest in a long line for many ‘young\u00a0offenders’ – interact and intervene in young people’s lives. These interactions and\u00a0interactions reverberate through the lives of troubled young people. But how and to what\u00a0effect, will never be known unless the will is there to question conventional accounts of\u00a0criminal careers. These young people may not be easy to engage in research for reasons\u00a0outlined earlier, and, even by adolescent standards, may create partial or fragmented\u00a0stories. Yet surely we should try to hear and to respond with wisdom and compassion to\u00a0what they tell us.<\/p>\n

References<\/h3>\n

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