{"id":1327,"date":"2014-12-17T16:19:51","date_gmt":"2014-12-17T16:19:51","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mmuperu.co.uk\/bjcj\/?p=1327"},"modified":"2022-12-15T18:55:09","modified_gmt":"2022-12-15T18:55:09","slug":"book-reviews-12-3","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mmuperu.co.uk\/bjcj\/review\/book-reviews-12-3\/","title":{"rendered":"Book Reviews (12.3)"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wpb-content-wrapper\"><p>[vc_row row_height_percent=&#8221;0&#8243; override_padding=&#8221;yes&#8221; h_padding=&#8221;2&#8243; top_padding=&#8221;3&#8243; bottom_padding=&#8221;2&#8243; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; equal_height=&#8221;yes&#8221; gutter_size=&#8221;3&#8243; column_width_use_pixel=&#8221;yes&#8221; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; column_width_pixel=&#8221;1000&#8243;][vc_column column_width_percent=&#8221;100&#8243; position_horizontal=&#8221;left&#8221; gutter_size=&#8221;2&#8243; override_padding=&#8221;yes&#8221; column_padding=&#8221;0&#8243; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; shift_x=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y_down=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; medium_width=&#8221;0&#8243; align_mobile=&#8221;align_left_mobile&#8221; mobile_width=&#8221;0&#8243; width=&#8221;2\/3&#8243;][vc_custom_heading text_font=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; text_size=&#8221;h3&#8243; text_weight=&#8221;500&#8243; text_color=&#8221;color-210407&#8243;]Articles[\/vc_custom_heading][vc_separator sep_color=&#8221;color-210407&#8243; el_height=&#8221;1px&#8221;][vc_custom_heading auto_text=&#8221;yes&#8221; text_font=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; text_size=&#8221;h1&#8243; text_weight=&#8221;500&#8243; text_color=&#8221;accent&#8221;]This is a custom heading element.[\/vc_custom_heading][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<table style=\"border-collapse: collapse;width: 100%;height: 110px\">\n<tbody>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\"><span class=\"font-810834\">Published<\/span><\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\">17\/12\/2014<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">Type<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\">Review<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">Author(s)<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\">Jake Phillips, Anne Robinson<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%\">Corresponding Authors<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%\"><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">DOA<\/td>\n<td style=\"width: 67.0823%;height: 22px\"><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr style=\"height: 22px\">\n<td style=\"width: 32.9177%;height: 22px\">DOI<\/td>\n<td><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner column_width_percent=&#8221;100&#8243; gutter_size=&#8221;3&#8243; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; shift_x=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y_down=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; medium_width=&#8221;0&#8243; align_mobile=&#8221;align_center_mobile&#8221; mobile_width=&#8221;0&#8243; width=&#8221;1\/1&#8243;][uncode_share layout=&#8221;multiple&#8221; bigger=&#8221;yes&#8221; separator=&#8221;yes&#8221;][\/vc_column_inner][\/vc_row_inner][vc_column_text]<strong>CULTURES OF DESISTANCE: REHABILITATION, REINTEGRATION AND ETHNIC MINORITIES.<\/strong><br \/>\nAdam Calverley (2013) Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. 230pp. Pbk \u00a326.99. ISBN 978-0415623483<\/p>\n<p>Adam Calverley&#8217;s book is a long-due addition to the criminological literature on desistance. In the last two decades, research on desistance has extensively dissected the elements of this process of change, identifying how both structural and personal factors come into play and influence the outcomes of this life-changing process. Despite these wide investigations, the factors associated with ethnicity have been left mostly unexplored, especially in relation to UK based research. Calverley&#8217;s research represents a breakthrough in this direction and it is remarkably important as it poses the basis for reflection and further research on the cultural factors which affect desistance. This book would suit anybody interested in desistance, ethnicities, resettlement, and practitioners working with ethnic minorities.<\/p>\n<p>This book explores the efforts to desist of a group of Indian, Bangladeshi, and Black and dual heritage males from the London boroughs of Hounslow, Tower Hamlets, and Lambeth respectively. The choice of limiting the sample to London and those ethnic groups is related to the pool of eligible participants in these boroughs. This choice reduces the possible comparisons which can be drawn across different minorities. Also, the choice of these London boroughs (as recognised by Calverley) might have affected the dynamics of desistance identified in the study, which might be affected by this social context more than ethnicity. In addition, while this research is about ethic minorities\u2019 experience of desistance, its findings are not simply restricted to those communities or naively generalised to each single ethnic minority. Calverley recognises the limitations of this research and brilliantly uses its findings for a wider reflection on the wider issues related to desistance research and the policies which must develop from it.<\/p>\n<p>The research steps from Calverley&#8217;s PhD thesis and, with this in mind, it is hard to fault this book. Surely the research would have benefited from a wider range of nationalities, a \u2018control group\u2019 of white Londoners, or of persisters from the same minority groups, or even a short longitudinal design. However, it must be recognised that it would have been demanding to add anything more to the already ambitious design of this research. Thirty-three in-depth semi-structured interviews with ex-offenders have been conducted,\u00a0together with ten interviews with professionals working with minorities. This design has\u00a0given the opportunity to start exploring desistance, and contrast them between different\u00a0ethnic groups and in relation to literature.<\/p>\n<p>The book is a gem in relation to the theoretical coverage of the issues related to\u00a0desistance and ethnicity. Calverley has succeeded in the effort to condense an extensive\u00a0amount of literature in the space of a book. The book is a detailed exploration of the\u00a0literature and a very thorough examination of the socio-economic, historical and\u00a0sociological background of each single minority. The way Calverley writes and the\u00a0structure of the chapters is very helpful in fully understanding the historical background\u00a0from which these communities come from.<\/p>\n<p>The same detailed approach is maintained throughout the book. Findings are presented\u00a0separately for each minority and are articulated in a manner that shows the wealth of\u00a0knowledge and analytical thinking which has gone in writing this book. The analytical\u00a0strategy adopted in chapters 4, 5, and 6 draws from the historical structural-personal\u00a0dichotomy usually found in literature, discussing the main social and personal factors\u00a0involved in desistance. The author goes a step further in the following chapter 7. Embracing the latest developments in desistance research (promoting a more holistic\u00a0approach in the analysis of the factors related to desistance), this chapter is organised in\u00a0three sections looking at the macro, meso and micro factors involved in desistance. With\u00a0socio-historical, economic, and social policy attitudes included in the macro-level;\u00a0community and neighbourhood, and religion at the meso-level; and agency, identity,\u00a0family, and hooks for change at the micro-level. This analytical approach is what makes\u00a0this book outstanding in comparison to previous desistance literature. This overview\u00a0remarkably focusses on a neglected portion of population, and, also, the contemporary\u00a0attention to these three levels of analysis represents a useful analytical and narrative\u00a0device for two interconnected reasons: first, it reminds the reader (and especially\u00a0researchers interested in personal change) that even the most individual or psychological\u00a0event is closely interdependent and interconnected to the social background in which it\u00a0takes place; second, that to fully understand the process of desistance, one has to keep track and analyse both at the individual and the social (or structural) level. This need becomes evident when trying to translate research findings in policies aimed at promoting desistance. For example, as highlighted in this research in the case of black and dual heritage desisters, the indications for practitioners to support the (re)establishment of family ties must be accompanied with enhancing personal development and the support in entering in the job market: the desisters from this minority background highlighted how family support for the necessary process of embracing a new non-criminal identity is conditional to obtaining recognition from the social context, for example, by finding a job. This was the cause of much distress for Calverley&#8217;s interviewees as, because of factors at the meso and macro level, the \u2018hooks for change\u2019 needed were almost absent. Also, widely recognised factors supportive of desistance, such as the \u2018knifing off\u2019 from the criminal peers did not reach the desired effects showed in previous desistance research; rather, moving away from London was associated to increased racism and negative effect on their prosocial identity.<\/p>\n<p>In summary, this research satisfactorily sheds some light on the processes of desistance of\u00a0three main ethnical minorities. It shows how social and cultural factors, such as family,\u00a0religion, or the neighbourhood, can have a significant effect on desistance. It also shows\u00a0how the desisters&#8217; specific situation impacts upon the effects of structural and personal\u00a0factors, which have long been associated to success in the process of desistance and\u00a0should not be taken for granted. This book, besides being a must have, is an eye opener,\u00a0and a cornerstone for future research in desistance.<\/p>\n<p><em>Fabio Tartarini, PhD candidate, Cambridge University<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>RESTORATIVE JUSTICE IN TRANSITION<\/strong><br \/>\nKerry Clamp (2014) London and New York: Routledge. pp163. Hbk $145.00. ISBN 978-0-415-52371-4<\/p>\n<p>This is a book that takes on a challenging and important academic debate about \u2018Justice\u2019\u00a0and the \u2018power over Justice\u2019 and it draws our attention to the application of Restorative\u00a0Justice in both local interpersonal settings (micro) and transnational contexts (macro) &#8211;\u00a0concerned with the abuse of human rights, political crime and regime change. The book\u00a0examines the corresponding problems and limitations of Restorative Justice and\u00a0Transitional Justice, and asserts the need to move beyond the constraints of democratic\u00a0and transitional literature to understand Transitional Justice as a response to issues of\u00a0systemic conflict and oppression.<\/p>\n<p>Clamp hopes to clarify how Restorative Justice can contribute to the transformation of\u00a0conflict in transitional settings and suggests a \u2018more ambitious transitional agenda\u2019\u00a0(Clamp, 2014:8) centred on the values of engagement, empowerment, reintegration and\u00a0transformation. However, the combined study of Criminal Justice, Restorative Justice, and\u00a0Transitional Justice is problematic. Clamp&#8217;s work is very ambitious, and remains\u00a0inconclusive about the role of Restorative Justice as a mechanism to tackle the\u00a0complexities of larger inter\/national conflict, state crime, and institutionalised peacebuilding.<\/p>\n<p>Clamp&#8217;s work is well researched, easy to read, and supported by a variety of useful\u00a0examples from the fields of RJ and TJ that include accounts of Truth and Reconciliation\u00a0commissions, trials, financial compensation, amnesties, and indigenous practice. She\u00a0argues vigorously for an understanding of \u2018Justice\u2019 that is concerned with the relationships\u00a0between individuals and the state; and critically reflects on the dynamics of political\u00a0power and the appropriateness of state intervention. Each chapter encourages us to\u00a0understand the interpersonal and wider relations of contested transitional settings in\u00a0order to consider \u2018the structures that influence and constrain us [&#8230;] as well as the\u00a0systemic injustices that need to be addressed\u2019 (Clamp 2014:16).<\/p>\n<p>The first two chapters provide a coherent outline of the issues and dilemmas present in RJ,\u00a0in particular when it is approached as part of transitional settings. Clamp captures the shift\u00a0in conventional thinking about CJ and highlights the emerging theory and practice that has\u00a0accompanied the growth of alternative or restorative strategies for CJ with regard to\u00a0victimization, offending, and reparation.<\/p>\n<p>In chapter three, Clamp starts to outline a theoretical framework for RJ in TJ expressed as\u00a0four key values &#8211; Engagement, Empowerment, Reintegration and Transformation. We are\u00a0encouraged to think of these as potential values for action \u2018that should be central to any\u00a0response to international crime, and [&#8230;] contribute to peace-building and\u00a0democratisation\u2019 (Clamp, 2014:32). Such values can help to articulate a process orientated\u00a0towards self-determined reconciliation\/resolution, inclusive dialogue, mutual rights and\u00a0responsibilities, and sustained reintegration. Nevertheless, Clamp&#8217;s work is weakened by\u00a0the use of terms such as &#8216;values&#8217;, &#8216;steps&#8217; and &#8216;stages&#8217; as they are not clearly defined and\u00a0seem interchangeable.<\/p>\n<p>The remaining chapters are primarily concerned with what is achievable through the\u00a0application of RJ in transitional settings, and the potential of what Clamp describes as the\u00a0\u2018restorative community\u2019 in transitional settings. What follows is a robust examination of\u00a0the role of RJ and TJ in moving individuals, communities, and governments, towards the\u00a0\u2018promise of \u2018justice and democratic rule\u2019 (Clamp, 2014:51). TJ is explored within local\u00a0settings and transnational contexts concerned with the abuse of human rights, political\u00a0crime, regime change, peacebuilding, and democratization. Clamp scrutinizes the\u00a0competing agendas of RJ within transitional settings, and explores the ways in which\u00a0stakeholders take action in accordance with differentiated perspectives, participation,\u00a0power, interests and needs. Her discussions are very informative and reiterate a need to\u00a0deconstruct prevalent Eurocentric ideological codes of legitimacy, legalism and law.<\/p>\n<p>The author&#8217;s voice becomes clear during the concluding chapter, as Clamp argues for RJ to\u00a0be appreciated as a theory of \u2018Justice\u2019 that challenges the \u2018hegemony over justice\u00a0practices\u2019 (Clamp, 2014:118) and the \u2018Western architecture of \u2018Justice\u2019 (Clamp, 2014:120).\u00a0Clamp reiterates the transformative value of RJ and stresses the need for theorists and\u00a0practitioners to critically examine the existing ideological premise of TJ and RJ to prevent it\u00a0translating in ways that disenfranchise conflicted communities and leave state crime\u00a0uncontested. As part of her on-going discussion, Clamp clearly hopes that CJ and RJ will\u00a0evolve to challenge and redress the systemic injustices resulting from the structural causes\u00a0of conflict and crime.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, Clamp does not provide a methodological argument for how these ideas\u00a0might be developed. There is some suggestion that top down TJ mechanisms are useful to\u00a0deal with past conflict and formally legitimise institutional justice; whereas bottom up\u00a0community-based approaches can facilitate a greater individual sense of reparation and\u00a0justice. Similarly, the United Nations is referred to as a useful source of codes of practice\u00a0that may be translated into local culture as part of community projects (such as the\u00a0Zwelethemba model) to \u2018harness local knowledge and facilitate local actors to develop,\u00a0engage with and pursue outcomes that are both relevant and sustainable\u2019 (Clamp,\u00a02014:123).<\/p>\n<p>Clamp&#8217;s work offers a theoretical analysis of the ideas and methods applied to RJ and TJ.\u00a0Hopefully, it will help to generate a discourse that brings us closer to a practical awareness\u00a0of how RJ can be applied to influence the systemic injustices inherent in the complexities\u00a0of larger inter\/national conflict, state crime, and institutionalised peace-building. Overall,\u00a0Clamp&#8217;s work is a timely critique of the current understanding of Restorative Justice and\u00a0makes a useful contribution to the analysis and theorisation of Restorative Justice and\u00a0Transitional Justice. It will be valuable for students, academics, practitioners, and anyone -interested in the wider issues of criminology, peacebuilding and human rights.<\/p>\n<p><em>Michael Ogunnusi, Part-Time Lecturer in Youth and Community, and Education, De Montfort\u00a0University<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>ORGANISED SEXUAL ABUSE<\/strong><br \/>\nMichael Salter (2013) Routledge. pp. 208. Pbk \u00a326.99. ISBN 978-1-138-78915-9<\/p>\n<p>Salter&#8217;s first book, Organised Sexual Abuse, is an ambitious attempt to provide a\u00a0comprehensive account of paedophile networks, their means of operating, and their\u00a0effects on victims. Whilst Salter ensures that a range of academic perspectives are\u00a0included throughout the book, its most notable feature is the presence of extensive, firsthand\u00a0accounts from victims; often graphic, and always harrowing, it is the inclusion of\u00a0these first-person narratives which makes Organised Sexual Abuse both compelling and\u00a0disturbing. Salter provides a unique insight into some of the most extreme forms of group\u00a0sexual exploitation, and through eliciting responses from those subjected to this abuse, he\u00a0ensures that his book is an authentic account of a sensitive area of study.<\/p>\n<p><em>Organised Sexual Abuse<\/em>\u00a0is divided into ten principal chapters, with each chapter\u00a0containing various sub-divisions. Whilst this guides the reader through the subject matter,\u00a0the headings and sub-headings of the chapters themselves are not in English. Although\u00a0this is most probably a typographical error, it leads to difficultly when navigating oneself\u00a0through the book, especially since the Contents and text of the book are both in English.\u00a0With the exception of this oversight, Salter provides a comprehensive account of several\u00a0forms of group paedophilia: ranging from incestuous abuse, to institutionalize paedophile\u00a0groups, satanic child-abuse gangs and child-murder. Although Salter includes some data\u00a0on the group sexual abuse of adults, the book&#8217;s main focus is on child-victims.<\/p>\n<p>The first four chapters provide the reader with a detailed theoretical background to the\u00a0subject; Chapters One and Two present a review of the existing literature, and\u00a0contextualize the current findings through including the opinions of practitioners. Chapter\u00a0Three goes on to provide an historical account of the origins of sadism, child abuse and\u00a0abuse more generally. The information provided is detailed, and is representative of the\u00a0more sociological approach which Salter adopts throughout the book. Although much of\u00a0the existing work on child sex-abuse is more psychological\/quantitative in its nature,\u00a0Salter&#8217;s qualitative methodology provides this topic with a \u2018human\u2019 context, revealing\u00a0abuse through the eyes of survivors and victims. It is from Chapter Five that these\u00a0accounts begin in earnest, starting with a harrowing case-study of the author&#8217;s friend\u00a0&#8216;Sarah&#8217;, and her prolonged exposure to organised abuse as a child and as an adult. What\u00a0makes this chapter particularly compelling is that the author himself was friends with\u00a0&#8216;Sarah&#8217; during a period of this abuse. He was, therefore, a witness to the aftermath of her\u00a0abuse and the stalking she was subjected to. This level of proximity between author and\u00a0victim of crime is unusual in an academic text, yet it only serves to increase the vividness\u00a0of the chapter.<\/p>\n<p>The following chapters contain the testimonies of several abuse victims, often including\u00a0detailed recollections of the horrifying abuse they were subjected to. Readers who have\u00a0not studied this area previously ought to be warned that some of participants\u2019 accounts\u00a0are particularly graphic, although this is an inevitably when studying this topic; it is also\u00a0something which Salter acknowledges towards the end of the book (p.175). However, one\u00a0criticism of Salter&#8217;s work is the absence of any perspectives other than those of abuse\u00a0victims. Indeed, Salter concedes that \u201csome readers may find it a curious or even\u00a0unscientific endeavour to craft a criminological model of organised abuse based on the\u00a0testimony of survivors\u201d (p.4). This criticism, however, is not because such accounts cannot\u00a0be believed, but rather, because including the perspectives of practitioners and other\u00a0experts might have added another dimension to the text. Taking into account the tone\u00a0and overall aim of the book, it clearly would not have been appropriate to interview\u00a0abusers themselves. However, data from some individuals other than the abused would\u00a0have been a desirable feature. One further criticism is the lack of methodological detail. Although Salter includes a four page &#8216;Research Methodology&#8217; in the Appendix of the book\u00a0(p.177-181) this feels like more of a methodological note. It would have been interesting\u00a0had Salter explained, in more detail, how he gained the trust of participants and\u00a0developed rapport, especially as this is such a sensitive area where victims often feel\u00a0shame to discuss their abuse. It should be noted, however, that such a discussion is\u00a0undertaken in Chapter 5, the case-study of Salter&#8217;s female friend: in many ways the standout\u00a0chapter of this book.<\/p>\n<p>These criticisms notwithstanding, there are many positive aspects of the book. In\u00a0particular, the issue of how victims often face scepticism for official bodies is a theme that\u00a0runs throughout the text; Salter documents the &#8216;rise of the \u201cfalse memory\u201d movement&#8217;\u00a0(Ch.4), and how this led to endemic problems around victims of abuse not being believed.\u00a0A further notable strength of the book is the strong theoretical framework which runs\u00a0through it, but does not compromise the primacy given to victims&#8217; accounts. Although\u00a0such data may prove shocking, the overall tone of the book never appears to be\u00a0sensationalist. Rather, the topics are dealt with sensitively and methodically. Salter also\u00a0describes, in detail, the roles played by gender and power in the sexual abuse of minors.<\/p>\n<p>Overall, Organised Sexual Abuse provides a valuable insight into the abuse of minors by\u00a0paedophile groups. It is accessible to both academic and non-academic audiences,\u00a0includes a range of theoretical perspectives, and describes various types of group sexual\u00a0abuse. Any weaknesses in the text are eclipsed by the rigour with which the subject is\u00a0scrutinized, and it is clear that Salter feels strongly about this emotive topic.<\/p>\n<p><em>Dev R. Maitra, PhD Candidate in Criminology, University of Cambridge<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>CAPITAL PUNISHMENT IN TWENTIETH CENTURY BRITAIN: AUDIENCE, JUSTICE, MEMORY<\/strong><br \/>\nLizzie Seal (2014) Abingdon: Routledge pp 188 Hbk \u00a385.00. ISBN 0978-0-415-62244-8<\/p>\n<p>In &#8216;Capital Punishment in Twentieth-Century Britain&#8217; Lizzie Seal has produced a fascinating,\u00a0well researched and wide ranging book which examines the complexity of public\u00a0perceptions of and responses to the perpetrators of crimes which did or once would have\u00a0attracted the death penalty. This is a book about the everyday meanings and cultural life\u00a0of capital punishment in twentieth-century Britain.<\/p>\n<p>The disappearance of the gallows from public view is the start point for this book. The end\u00a0of execution as public spectacle in 1868 meant that the event itself whilst directly\u00a0experienced behind prison walls by very few continued to be experienced by the wider\u00a0population largely through imagination and representation. Lizzie Seal is interested in how\u00a0people&#8217;s experiences of execution by the state have been transformed over the decades\u00a0since its withdrawal from public view.<\/p>\n<p>In chapters one and two, having offered an overview of capital punishment since 1868 and\u00a0an examination of how in the twentieth century, executions were accessed primarily\u00a0through the reading of newspapers, the author addresses the continuing role of capital\u00a0punishment as entertainment and the anxieties this raised primarily around \u2018taste\u2019.\u00a0Chapters four and five explore protest against the death penalty and public responses to\u00a0capital punishment as expressed in letters to the Home Office about specific cases. In\u00a0particular she focuses on the symbol of justice as crucial for articulating anxieties about\u00a0capital punishment in mid-twentieth century Britain.<\/p>\n<p>In Chapter six Lizzie Seal examines the political, legal and cultural significance of the\u00a0Timothy Evans and Edith Thompson cases. Seal contends that in the years following their\u00a0executions the cases of Evans and Thompson became &#8217;emblematic of the failures and\u00a0horrors of the death penalty&#8217; (p.122), Here Seal draws on Avery Gordon&#8217;s concept of\u00a0haunting to analyse how the &#8216;seething presence&#8217; of Evans and Thompson returned\u00a0following their deaths and continues to cast a ghostly shadow. Seal acknowledges that\u00a0Evans and Thompson were not the only examples of &#8216;haunting&#8217;. Other high profile cases\u00a0such as those of Ruth Ellis, Derek Bentley and James Hanratty could be viewed through the\u00a0same lens but as she contends, focussing on Evans and Thompson allows her to analyse\u00a0themes of gender, horror, justice and error.<\/p>\n<p>In chapter seven the author explores capital punishment&#8217;s continuing place in British\u00a0culture, examining competing perceptions and understandings and addresses the\u00a0continuing support for capital punishment particularly in relation to terrorism. As Seal\u00a0contends the bombings in England in the 1970s and in particularly the bombings in\u00a0Guildford and Birmingham stirred pro death penalty sentiment with capital punishment\u00a0being discussed in the House of Commons and some MPs claiming that the bombings had\u00a0led them to revise their abolitionist views. There are clear echoes here of public, media\u00a0and political responses to the murder of Drummer Lee Rigby in 2013.<\/p>\n<p>Lizzie Seal notes that if the bombings of the mid 1970s were a key impetus to retributive sentiment and debate about restoration of the death penalty, the imprisonment of Myra\u00a0Hindley and Ian Brady in 1966 &#8216;provided an enduring symbol for unslaked retributivism&#8217;\u00a0(p.150). In the year after abolition the maximum sentence for Hindley and Brady could be\u00a0no more than life imprisonment. Seal examines the response to that sentence particularly\u00a0in relation to Hindley, the eventual imposition of a whole life term and the striving for\u00a0some sort of equivalence in retributive justice terms.<\/p>\n<p>Seal then explores the legacy of unease that miscarriages of justice have left us with.\u00a0Gerry Conlon died in June 2014 but as Seal points out he would have been killed by The\u00a0State forty years ago. Seal examines the significance of early 1990s films such as &#8216;Let Him\u00a0Have It&#8217; and &#8216;In The Name Of The Father&#8217; in highlighting miscarriages of justice and the\u00a0eventual quashing of convictions of people who would had been executed or would have\u00a0been executed if they had been convicted prior to abolition. Seal concludes this splendid\u00a0chapter with an examination of perceptions on this side of the Atlantic of the death\u00a0penalty in the United States and the significance of film portrayals such as &#8216;Dead Man\u00a0Walking&#8217; and &#8216;The Green Mile&#8217;.<\/p>\n<p>The final chapter offers an examination of cultural memories of capital punishment using\u00a0oral history interviews from the Millennium Memory Bank and from interviews conducted\u00a0for the BBC radio series &#8216;A Century Speaks&#8217;. Here a deep public ambivalence is revealed,\u00a0very much reflecting chapter seven with competing themes around the need for capital\u00a0punishment and concern about miscarriages of justice.<\/p>\n<p>This widely sourced, thoughtful and resonant work should appeal to historians,\u00a0psychologists, as well as legal and criminal justice academics, students and practitioners.\u00a0In truth Lizzie Seal&#8217;s book would be a very fine read for anybody with an interest in the\u00a0subject matter and that must surely include us all?<\/p>\n<p><em>Chris Cody, Social Work Practice Learning Tutor, Bradford University<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>PROBATION: KEY READINGS<\/strong><br \/>\nEdited by George Mair and Judith Rumgay (2014) London: Routledge pp.542 pbk: \u00a346.99\u00a0ISBN 978-0-415-67149-1; hbk: \u00a3125.00 ISBN 978-0-415-67148-4<\/p>\n<p>Probation occupies a crucial central role in the criminal and community justice system in\u00a0England and Wales. For much of the 20th century, the probation service has operated as a\u00a0relatively benevolent justice agency which was primarily focused on changing, rather than\u00a0containing, its service users. As probation moved beyond its centenary, however, the\u00a0agency was metamorphosing into a different institution to that fashioned by the early\u00a0community rehabilitation pioneers. An agency which had embraced advising, assisting and\u00a0befriending its service users was undergoing a perceptible shift towards a culture which\u00a0privileged compliance, enforcement and actuarial risk assessment. To illuminate and\u00a0enhance our understanding of the range of factors which have influenced this process,\u00a0George Mair and Judith Rumgay have compiled and edited an essential collection of \u2018key\u00a0readings\u2019 and seminal texts on probation.<\/p>\n<p>In terms of structure, the material is presented in six sections, each of which is prefaced\u00a0with an incisive, reflective and analytical introduction by the editors. The first section\u00a0portrays what is, in essence, the official account of probation&#8217;s development since its\u00a0inception, with readings meticulously selected in order to illuminate key policy shifts\u00a0throughout the century. They range from the groundbreaking Probation of Offenders Act\u00a0(1907) to the Ministry of Justice\u2019s Capacity and Competition Policy for Prison and\u00a0Probation (2009), via the strategic framework document A New Choreography (National\u00a0Probation Service, 2001). The Choreography reflected the new model probation service,\u00a0replete with \u2018strategic imperatives\u2019 and \u2018stretch objectives\u2019, and pinpointed the goal of\u00a0developing a new organisation \u2018designed and reconstructed in every way\u2026 We want the\u00a0image of the Service to be that of a \u2018hawk-like professional\u2019, sharp and keen-eyed\u2026\u2019\u00a0(National Probation Service, 2001:8). The implication appeared to be that probation was\u00a0previously insufficiently professional, inadequately focused on risk due to its perceived\u00a0preoccupation with rehabilitation, and ultimately lacking in \u2018hawk-like\u2019 vigilance. The era\u00a0of managerialism and risk assessment had arrived.<\/p>\n<p>Having explored the official account, Section two reflects a range of alternative\u00a0perspectives on the history and development of probation and other community\u00a0sentences. These accounts are always instructive and sometimes fascinating. They include\u00a0Young\u2019s sociological account, which argues that probation developed in 19th century\u00a0England as a consequence of class relationships. The third section of the book considers a\u00a0range of theoretical perspectives, not least of which is \u2018Tailgunner\u2019 Parkinson\u2019s disarmingly\u00a0frank account of his practice with service users: \u2018I give them money.\u2019 Parkinson\u2019s\u00a0confession, originally published in 1970, led to his suspension (though following an\u00a0unprecedented outbreak of common sense he was reinstated). The confident\u00a0juxtaposition of Parkinson\u2019s pragmatic frontline perspective with, for example, the Home\u00a0Office\u2019s Statement of National Objectives and Priorities for Probation (1984) is one of the\u00a0real strengths of this book, and demonstrates the editors\u2019 absolute command of their\u00a0material. Rather than a dry official account, the reader is left with a strong sense of the\u00a0editors\u2019 vital engagement with the debate about what probation actually does.<\/p>\n<p>Section four\u2019s focus is on the nuts and bolts of intervention. It delineates a range of\u00a0approaches to the coal face of practice, including groupwork, drug treatment\u00a0programmes, day centre work, intensive supervision projects, and all manner of\u00a0innovative community engagement. This section features Millard, whose elegiac\u00a0observations on the primacy of reintegrative work in the 1970s offer an authentic flavour\u00a0of probation\u2019s crucial social importance and the nature of frontline practice predating the\u00a0era of compliance. He notes that the service users who attended<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>&#8216;\u2026most frequently and most enthusiastically were the poorest, least able,\u00a0and least articulate people, frequently lost and bereft, with no sense of\u00a0community and no real sense of aspiration for the future\u2026 They did not\u00a0come as a consequence of \u2018conditions\u2019, but because of what was offered,\u00a0and sometimes they began to discover the possibility of a voice and a quality\u00a0of life\u2026 which they had not known before.&#8217; (p.341)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>The fifth section explores the theme of diversity. The editors point to the dearth of\u00a0detailed accounts focused on diversity from frontline probation practice. Two absorbing\u00a0contributions from Lawson and Carlen point to the problems which may arise when\u00a0potentially sensitive areas of frontline practice (race and gender respectively) are opened\u00a0up to the outside observer.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, section six explores the arguments around \u2018effectiveness\u2019. The contemporary\u00a0probation service has witnessed the establishment of a thoroughly marketised\u00a0environment, preoccupied with the exhibition of effectiveness, in which key performance\u00a0indicators and a culture of targets have been predominant. However, for the first half of\u00a0probation\u2019s existence, the effectiveness of intervention was virtually unquestioned; it was\u00a0simply taken for granted. The book includes the first serious assessment of probation\u2019s\u00a0effectiveness, which was undertaken in 1958 by the Cambridge Department of Criminal\u00a0Science in collaboration with the Home Office. This enables the reader to view the advent\u00a0of What Works in the early 1990s as part of a continuum. The inclusion of the seminal\u00a01974 article by Martinson, so often identified as the high priest of Nothing Works (not\u00a0least because he is so often cited, but perhaps less frequently actually read), is also\u00a0refreshing. The book also features incisive contributions from Mair, Raynor and Stanley,\u00a0which summarise the debate around effectiveness.<\/p>\n<p>While this capacious volume is both sweeping in scale and ambitious in scope, the authors\u00a0note that they intended the book to \u2018ground and contextualise\u2019 developments in\u00a0probation, rather than add to the plethora of existing commentaries on those\u00a0developments. This exhaustive volume never fails to achieve this aim. It is a timely\u00a0publication that has particular resonance today, with the government poised to jettison\u00a0much of probation\u2019s hard-won public sector rehabilitative experience. Critics have argued\u00a0that outsourcing probation work privileges profit and ideology at the expense of public\u00a0safety, and this reader, at least, would have welcomed a little more political\u00a0contextualisation and discussion of the linkage of the erosion of probation\u2019s original\u00a0reintegrative ethos with neoliberal policies. However, it seems churlish to point this out. The sheer scale of the editors\u2019 enterprise means that some difficult, albeit necessary,\u00a0choices have been made in order to compress over a century of rehabilitative endeavour\u00a0into just 542 pages.<\/p>\n<p>Mair and Rumgay deserve our thanks for providing this definitive set of key readings, which combine to illuminate and deepen our understanding of the invaluable social contribution rendered by probation. When probation is thriving, communities benefit, offenders are rehabilitated and the creation of future victims is prevented. This superb volume offers a comprehensive, instructive and authoritative depiction of the evolution of probation policy and practice, and provides ample evidence of the tenacious survival of probation\u2019s deep-rooted rehabilitative culture. As such, it is essential reading for academics, students, practitioners, and anyone who cares about the reintegrative ethos underpinning probation. Should a copy happen to find its way onto the Justice Secretary\u2019s desk, Chris Grayling will also find much to ponder in this admirable book.<\/p>\n<p><em>Michael Teague, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, University of Derby<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>References<\/strong><br \/>\nNational Probation Service. 2001.\u00a0<em>&#8220;A New Choreography: an integrated strategy for the\u00a0National Probation Service for England and Wales.<\/em>&#8221; London: NPS.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][vc_column column_width_percent=&#8221;100&#8243; gutter_size=&#8221;2&#8243; override_padding=&#8221;yes&#8221; column_padding=&#8221;2&#8243; back_color=&#8221;color-lxmt&#8221; overlay_alpha=&#8221;50&#8243; shift_x=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y=&#8221;0&#8243; shift_y_down=&#8221;0&#8243; z_index=&#8221;0&#8243; medium_width=&#8221;0&#8243; mobile_width=&#8221;0&#8243; width=&#8221;1\/3&#8243; css=&#8221;.vc_custom_1593440492913{padding-right: 26px !important;padding-left: 26px !important;}&#8221;][vc_custom_heading heading_semantic=&#8221;h3&#8243; text_font=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; text_size=&#8221;h4&#8243; text_weight=&#8221;500&#8243; text_color=&#8221;color-210407&#8243;]Latest Issue[\/vc_custom_heading][uncode_index el_id=&#8221;index-163686&#8243; loop=&#8221;size:1|order_by:date|post_type:post|categories:3&#8243; gutter_size=&#8221;3&#8243; post_items=&#8221;title,date&#8221; screen_lg=&#8221;1000&#8243; screen_md=&#8221;600&#8243; screen_sm=&#8221;480&#8243; single_text=&#8221;overlay&#8221; single_style=&#8221;dark&#8221; single_overlay_opacity=&#8221;50&#8243; single_overlay_anim=&#8221;no&#8221; single_text_visible=&#8221;yes&#8221; single_text_anim=&#8221;no&#8221; single_h_align_mobile=&#8221;left&#8221; single_padding=&#8221;0&#8243; single_title_family=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; single_title_dimension=&#8221;h4&#8243; single_title_weight=&#8221;500&#8243;][vc_button button_color=&#8221;accent&#8221; size=&#8221;btn-xl&#8221; radius=&#8221;btn-square&#8221; wide=&#8221;yes&#8221; custom_typo=&#8221;yes&#8221; font_family=&#8221;font-128611&#8243; font_weight=&#8221;500&#8243; border_width=&#8221;0&#8243; link=&#8221;url:http%3A%2F%2Fmmuperu.co.uk%2Fbjcj%2Fnewsletter%2F|title:Newsletter||&#8221;]Subscribe to our Newsletter[\/vc_button][vc_raw_html]JTNDYSUyMGNsYXNzJTNEJTIydHdpdHRlci10aW1lbGluZSUyMiUyMGRhdGEtd2lkdGglM0QlMjI0MDAlMjIlMjBkYXRhLWhlaWdodCUzRCUyMjU0NSUyMiUyMGhyZWYlM0QlMjJodHRwcyUzQSUyRiUyRnR3aXR0ZXIuY29tJTJGYmpjb21tdW5pdHlqdXN0JTNGcmVmX3NyYyUzRHR3c3JjJTI1NUV0ZnclMjIlM0VUd2VldHMlMjBieSUyMGJqY29tbXVuaXR5anVzdCUzQyUyRmElM0UlMjAlM0NzY3JpcHQlMjBhc3luYyUyMHNyYyUzRCUyMmh0dHBzJTNBJTJGJTJGcGxhdGZvcm0udHdpdHRlci5jb20lMkZ3aWRnZXRzLmpzJTIyJTIwY2hhcnNldCUzRCUyMnV0Zi04JTIyJTNFJTNDJTJGc2NyaXB0JTNF[\/vc_raw_html][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>CULTURES OF DESISTANCE: REHABILITATION, REINTEGRATION AND ETHNIC MINORITIES REVIEW<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[19],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1327","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-review"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.7 - 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